The Politics of Aspiration in Britain

Please note credit to Graham Ó Síodhacháin for this post’s featured image, used under licence CC BY-SA 2.0.

The anger and discontent we have all witnessed at the seeming inability of most governments to deliver us from crises in recent political history has understandably bred widespread desire and aspiration for what are two very different futures. On one hand, aiming to deliver a more equitable and sustainable future for all, those on the left recognise the need for redistributing vast wealth which continues to be unjustly amassed by the top 1% whilst everyone else endures a cost of living crisis. Whereas, aspiring to a restoration of historic national glory, the far-right has turned to scapegoating economic depression on immigration and stoking the culture wars, and enjoys rapid growth in popularity as a result.

However, whilst both are fundamentally populist approaches, current aspiration has driven our Overton window (the scale of socially acceptable or mainstream political views) firmly in favour of the far-right. A phenomenon I hope to explain through the lens of aspiration using a thorough analysis of the UK’s current political climate, but also one which I hope to advise on the best way to confront. 

Farage and Reform

We begin on our very own isles, where the most prominent party of the right is Reform UK under the leadership of Nigel Farage. Love him or hate him, it is hard to deny that as a central author of Brexit who is seemingly eternally clinging onto political relevancy, Farage is a formidable strategist and campaigner. And despite now leading a party with a larger membership than the Conservatives (who strangely have no voting rights within the party), throughout last year’s election, Reform UK’s strategy was centred around Farage himself. But this depended upon Farage’s well-cultivated image and cult of personality — also used to maintain his leadership of UKIP after the 2015 general election.

His image is best epitomised by his favourite campaigning location, the pub, which solidifies his connection to the average working man in the eyes of many, therefore making his communication of an anti-establishment message extremely resonant and effective. And both this image and message is fundamental to the attractiveness of the aspiration he espouses and inspires. Importantly, Farage has also been able to translate his perceived relatability onto social media, having started with viral cameo videos featuring deeply unnatural references to memes and Irish republicanism. But in reality, this is incredibly worrying, especially with the potential aid of Elon Musk, social media now appears a space where Farage and Reform UK dominate, which predictably, will be key to Farage’s necessary mobilisation of younger voters in elections to come — a demographic looking despairingly at the world they are inheriting and in need of the hope Farage claims to offer.

But what are Reform UK offering? Further promoting and capitalising on a distrust of the modern political system, their policies aren’t in a manifesto, but instead what they like to call ‘Our Contract with You’. And whilst many have already concluded the unrealistic nature of many of their proposals, I believe the most significant part of the ‘contract’ is Farage’s preamble, clearly establishing their political positioning and the ultimate messages they want to cut through. This is so important because so much of Farage’s campaigning is founded in building and reinforcing rhetoric without delving into policy specifics. Consequently, when his introduction refers to Britain’s “talent … potential and energy” being wasted, Brexit as “the opportunity of a lifetime”, and only Reform UK being able to “secure Britain’s future”, it is evident that they are seeking to benefit from the politics of aspiration.

But this aspiration promises delivery from 2 distinct types of supposed crises: one cultural, the other political. On culture, in warning against “mass immigration”, “‘woke’ ideology”, and “transgender indoctrination” they call upon a nostalgic sense of ethnonationalism with a clear aim: divide and conquer. However, when it comes to our political system, the party’s name itself asserts a need for “an alternative … common sense choice” to replace “an out-of-touch political class who have turned their backs on our country”, thereby creating an appealing position in denouncing Britain’s political orthodoxy which has produced crises economically, with housing, and in every public service.

Starmer’s Responsibility

However, I would hasten to add, this is by no means entirely Farage’s doing. It is equally important to understand the role of Starmer and his centrist politics in the Overton window’s shift to the right, in spite of his usual positioning as the progressive candidate. And perhaps more importantly to realise, what is demanded of Starmer to prevent the further rise of the far right.

One cornerstone of Starmer’s problematic centrist politics is the adoption of a harsher approach to immigration, as shown by one of the government’s election ‘missions’ dedicated to a ‘border security command’ and the publicity of increased deportation flights since. But a tougher approach does not just act as a tool of voter appeasement, instead also as legitimisation for the extremity of immigration policies proposed by the far right. This serves to facilitate their increased acceptance and normalisation in media coverage, and therefore their rise in popularity. It must also be noted that attempts to justify the often racist language and policy proposals are rooted in the far right’s modern invocations of a nostalgic sense of ethnonationalism to inspire hope for the restoration of long-lost power. In response, beyond Keir Starmer’s current attempt to reclaim the Union Flag, it may be necessary for him to turn to a progressive form of nationalism. One which takes pride in our diversity, our empathy and compassion, and our global responsibilities, which ultimately prizes our power to afford people safety and security, turning the tide against division.

Any approach to immigration must also account for its central framing within the wider culture war raged by the far right. This sits alongside addressing, according to Reform’s contract, the “divisive, ‘woke’ ideology [which] has captured our public institutions” and the “transgender indoctrination [which] is causing irreversible harm to children”. The latter of which health secretary Wes Streeting appeared to engage with by “indefinitely” banning puberty blockers for under-18s. A move criticised by the “dismayed” British Association of Gender Identity Specialists, who explained that the supposed implementation of the findings of the Cass Review “is inconsistent with a legislative ban”. And in order to overcome this sustained tacit complicity in the demands of the right and the division they have sewn, human rights education will play a significant role. Since fundamentally, human rights education is not just a lesson – but the root of an empathetic and inclusive society, which equips young people to confront injustice and deconstruct colonial legacies, enabling them to aspire for a more equal and tolerant future. 

Another key intersection with immigration is economic policy. And ignoring the root causes of the poverty we witness today, those on the political right have turned their attention to scapegoating these issues on immigration. Especially the severe lack of housing in both the public and private sectors and the erosion of our NHS. When, in reality, the current pitiful social housing stock is a legacy of Thatcher’s Right to Buy and the private sector is dominated by conglomerate developers and landlords thinking purely in terms of profit. Whilst immigration is the current backbone of our NHS, which has been the victim of 14 years of cruel Tory austerity and privatisation by stealth, leading to the sorry state we now find it in. Whereas, heavily vested in the idea of growth and fiscal responsibility, Starmer and Reeves’ repeatedly talked about necessary “short-term pain for long-term good”, but these are the code words of austerity we are all too familiar with, almost identical to those used by Osbourne in 2010. Therefore, disappointingly, there seems little prospect of large scale public investment or a dramatic change in the economic orthodoxy, which this country is crying out for.

Unsurprisingly, as a result, people turn to whoever promises prosperity, with less regard to their fiscal realism or responsibility, underlining that the key to winning support on many economic issues is not just the details, but the communication. This means that in approaching economic policy, Starmer now needs to move away from explaining decisions in terms of austerity, and begin to effectively convey and deliver his positive vision for the country, a story of hope if you will, to justify choices. However, alongside renewed messaging and human rights education, to undermine the far right’s appeal and division, the responsibility should be reframed onto those excessively profiting from our current economic situation. This will contribute to building a redistributive and equitable society which establishes working class solidarity and unity, vital to overcoming division. And I also believe such solidarity will not be achievable without the re-empowerment of unions and workers’ rights, including repealing the Strikes (Minimum Service Level) Act amongst many other restrictions.

Young People and Green Politics

However, there is one point of juxtaposition in the rise of the right, especially amongst young people, which I think reveals an opportunity: climate policy. Whilst Reform UK as a party has a history of denying man-made climate change, this policy position is now much less explicit or has been backtracked under Nigel Farage, probably having learnt from the climate change ‘scepticism’ of UKIP and the BNP. Although Reform retains pledges to abolish net-zero targets, meaning questions remain over their concern for the impacts of climate change we are already starting to see around the world.

It is extremely worrying if young people are willing to make compromises on the future of the planet they will inherit, as this illustrates the overwhelming desperation felt in the face of a Labour government to which the only perceived alternative is Reform. But importantly, this unveils a gap on the political left in Britain, well suited to implement the recommendations set out above, and to capitalise on fighting the climate crisis. The Green Party is probably best positioned to fill this space, but in the words of Sir Jonathon Porritt, “the Green Party need to be as noisy and populist as Reform”.

In Conclusion

We must also not forget that the UK is not alone in the rise of the far right, with French political turbulence meaning Macron had 4 different Prime Ministers in 2024, all entirely dependent upon the tacit support of Marine Le Pen’s far-right Rassemblement National (RN). Similarly to RN and Reform, AfD in Germany have been able to hugely benefit from campaigns centred around immigration. Despite this common focus, it is important to remember that differing political landscapes and nuances mean the best way to confront the far right is rarely universal.

Fundamentally, everything from economic discontent to disillusionment with the political establishment and orthodoxy can be interpreted as the aspiration which has motivated people to seek an alternative, most prominently Reform in the case of the UK. However, this growing popularity must be a wake-up call, demanding ambitious and radical economic change communicated by a central story of hope, which ensures the full respect of human rights for all.